Appendix I. (11/30)
英語原文
The only strong argument for the theory that the optative is primarily the mood of wish is found in the optative with εἰ in protasis. It is maintained that a gradual development of this conditional form from the simple optative in a wish can be actually seen in Homer. The strongest and most attractive statement of this argument is given by Lange in his elaborate, but unfortunately unfinished, treatise on the particle εἰ in Homer1. Delbrück's treatment of the optative in his syntaktische Forschungen, vol. i., is based on this doctrine. When Lange states (p. 485) that of 200 examples of εἰ with the optative in Homer, 136 are expressions of wish, the majority seems decisive ; although we may even here withhold our judgement until we examine the majority and also see what the minority of 64 have to say. The majority of 136 is made up as follows : —
1. Ordinary wishes with εἰ γάρ, εἴθε (αἳ γάρ, αἴθε), or εἰ, like αἴθ᾿ οὕτως, Εὔμαιε, φίλος Διὶ πατρὶ γένοιτο, Od. xiv. 440 ; αἳ γὰρ οὕτως εἴη, Il. iv. 189 ; εἴθ᾿ ὣς ἡβώοιμι, βίη δέ μοι ἔμπεδος εἴη, Il. xi. 670. (Of these there are 38 cases.)
2. Case in which a wish with εἰ and the optative (like the expressions just quoted) is folloed by an apodosis expressing a consequence which would follow the fulfilment of the wish. Thus the last example in 1 appears in Il. vii. 157 with such an apodosis : —
εἴθ᾿ ὣς ἡβώοιμι, βίη δέ μοι ἔμπεδος εἴη·
τῷ κε ταχ᾿ ἀντήσειε μάχης κορυθαίολος Ἕκρωρ.
If we put a comma at the end of the first verse, we have a full conditional sentence. In many cases it is doubtful which punctuation is correct. Lange includes under this head even such sentences as Il. vii. 28, ἀλλ᾿ εἴ μοί τι πίθοιο, τό κεν πολὺ κέρδιον εἴη, and Od. xx. 381. (Of theser there are 28 cases.)
3. Ordinary conditional sentences, in which the fusion between the ooptative with εἰ expressing a wish (i.e. supposing something that is desired) and following apodosis with κέ or ἄν is said to be complete, as in Il. xiii. 485 : —
εἰ γὰρ ὁμηλικίη γε γενοίμεθα τῷδ᾿ ἐπὶ θυμῷ,
αἶψά κεν ἠὲ φέροιτο μέγα κράτος ἤ κε φεροίμην.
(Of these there are 19 cases, against 18 otherwise similar cases in which the optative with εἰ supposes something not desired.)
4. Case of which the following are examples : —
ἤλυθον, εἴ τινά μοι κληηδόνα πατρὸς ἐνίσποις, Od. iv. 317.
πάπτηνεν δ᾿ ἀνὰ πύργον Ἀχαιῶν, εἴ τιν᾿ ἴδοιτο
ἡγεμόνων, ὅς τίς ἀρὴν ἑταροισιν ἀμύναι, Il. xii. 333.
Such examples are variously explained, but the protasis generally refers to something that is desired. (Of these there are 43 cases.)
5. Ordinary conditional sentences in which εἰ with the optative expressing a wish follows an apodosis ; as in Il. xxii. 20, ἧ σ᾿ ἂν τισαίμην, εἴ μοι δύναίς γε παρείη. These differ from those in 3 only in the position of the protasis. (Of these there are 8 cases of wishes, against 33 in which no wish is implied, of which last 17 are concessive.)
The minority of 64 examples, in which εἰ with the optative does not express a wish, is made up of the 18 dissenting cases under 3, the 33 under 5 which contain no wishes, 5 exceptional cases (as Lange views them) under 4 (2 with doubtful readings), and 8 cases of ὡς εἰ withe optative in similes, like ἴσαν ὡς εἴ τε πυρὶ χθὼν πᾶσα νέμοιτο, Il. ii. 780.
1. Der Homerische Gebrauch der Partikel EI, von Ludwig Lange, des vi. Bandes der Abhandlungen der philologish-historischen Classe der Königl. Sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften No. 4. Lange himself nevertheless believes the optative to be originally the mood of "Einbildungskraft," not of wish.
日本語解釈